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Social Problem Solving in High-Risk Mother-Child Dyads: An Intergenerational Study

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Title: Social Problem Solving in High-Risk Mother-Child Dyads: An Intergenerational Study
Language: English
Authors: Martin, Julie P., Stack, Dale M., Serbin, Lisa A.
Source: Social Development. Feb 2012 21(1):47-67.
Availability: Wiley-Blackwell. 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148. Tel: 800-835-6770; Tel: 781-388-8598; Fax: 781-388-8232; e-mail: cs-journals@wiley.com; Web site: http://www.wiley.com/WileyCDA/
Peer Reviewed: Y
Physical Description: PDF
Page Count: 21
Publication Date: 2012
Document Type: Journal Articles
Reports - Research
Descriptors: Interpersonal Competence, Mothers, Children, Problem Solving, Withdrawal (Psychology), At Risk Persons, Parent Child Relationship, Aggression, Parent Background, Measures (Individuals), Peer Evaluation, Conflict, Conflict Resolution, Antisocial Behavior, Prediction, Decision Making, Child Rearing
DOI: 10.1111/j.1467-9507.2011.00600.x
ISSN: 0961-205X
Abstract: This study examined the contribution of maternal childhood histories of aggression and social withdrawal to the prediction of mother-child social problem solving in the next generation. Fifty-seven women (M = 37.32 years), previously rated (on a version of the pupil evaluation inventory) by their peers during childhood on measures of aggression and withdrawal, discussed conflicts with their 9- to 13-year-old children. Problem-defining statements, solutions, and resolution strategies were coded using an observational measure developed by the authors. Maternal childhood histories of aggression and withdrawal predicted poorly sophisticated solutions in both mothers and children as well as antisocial solutions in children. Histories of withdrawal predicted solitary solutions in children as well as less guidance and structure during decision making. Findings suggest that mothers who were withdrawn, and those aggressive and withdrawn in childhood, display less sophisticated problem solving, which may be mirrored in children. Results have implications for the development of aggressive and withdrawn girls into parenthood and highlight a potential pathway for the transfer of risk. (Contains 6 tables.)
Abstractor: As Provided
Number of References: 66
Entry Date: 2012
Accession Number: EJ953987
Database: ERIC
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  Value: <anid>AN0070469991;bsp01feb.12;2019Jun26.08:49;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0070469991-1">Social Problem Solving in High-risk Mother-Child Dyads: An Intergenerational Study. </title> <p>This study examined the contribution of maternal childhood histories of aggression and social withdrawal to the prediction of mother–child social problem solving in the next generation. Fifty‐seven women (M = 37.32 years), previously rated (on a version of the pupil evaluation inventory) by their peers during childhood on measures of aggression and withdrawal, discussed conflicts with their 9‐ to 13‐year‐old children. Problem‐defining statements, solutions, and resolution strategies were coded using an observational measure developed by the authors. Maternal childhood histories of aggression and withdrawal predicted poorly sophisticated solutions in both mothers and children as well as antisocial solutions in children. Histories of withdrawal predicted solitary solutions in children as well as less guidance and structure during decision making. Findings suggest that mothers who were withdrawn, and those aggressive and withdrawn in childhood, display less sophisticated problem solving, which may be mirrored in children. Results have implications for the development of aggressive and withdrawn girls into parenthood and highlight a potential pathway for the transfer of risk.</p> <p>Keywords: Mother‐child interactions; problem‐solving; high‐risk; intergenerational</p> <p>Interpersonal conflict is inevitable due to the complex and changing nature of human relationships. As such, the ability to effectively resolve day‐to‐day social problems is an essential component of socio‐emotional and cognitive development (Chang, Downey, & Salata, 2004). Problem‐solving deficits are associated with poor social competence, academic difficulties, externalizing problems, as well as delinquency (Dodge, 1993; Lochman & Lampron, 1986; Rotheram, 2001; Shure & Spivack, 1982). Parents play a vital role in fostering children's problem‐solving efforts by way of instruction, guidance, and modelling effective strategies. The present study examined the contributions of maternal childhood histories of aggression and social withdrawal to mother–child problem solving of personal disputes.</p> <p>Problem solving is most often defined as a learning process, one which incorporates two basic skills: the ability to think of multiple, alternative solutions and the capacity to select the most effective solution among those generated (D'Zurilla & Goldfried, 1971; Youngstrom et al., 2000). Although individuals vary in the manner of problem resolution, research has recognized several general stages as precursors to successful problem solving. These stages can be summarized as follows: (<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref1">1</reflink>) defining and understanding the problem; (<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref2">2</reflink>) identifying the main goal; (<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref3">3</reflink>) generating solutions; (<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref4">4</reflink>) decision making and implementation; and finally (<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref5">5</reflink>) evaluating the decision (D'Zurilla & Goldfried, 1971; Tisdelle & St. Lawrence, 1986).</p> <p>Research investigating these problem‐solving stages among children has established a link between problem‐solving efforts and behaviour patterns (Erdley & Asher, 1998; Guerra & Slaby, 1989; Haskett, 1990; Richard & Dodge, 1982). Results from these studies have demonstrated a negative relationship between the total number of solutions generated, low social status, and aggression (Evans & Short, 1991; Guerra & Slaby, 1989; Mize & Cox, 2001; Richard & Dodge, 1982). There is also evidence suggesting that the quality of solutions, rather than sheer quantity, may be a stronger predictor of children's behaviours (Evans & Short, 1991; Fischler & Kendall, 1988; Youngstrom et al., 2000). For example, using hypothetical stories, Mott and Krane (1994) found that children rated as having behavioural difficulties by parents and teachers had lower mean problem‐solving scores based on several qualitative dimensions (e.g., how likely the solutions would solve the problem). Similarly, Erdley and Asher (1998) found that children's aggressive, withdrawn, and prosocial strategies were positively related to their peer‐assessed aggressive, withdrawn, and prosocial behaviour, respectively. Other studies have found that, whereas aggressive and unpopular children resemble comparison groups in the first solution generated, they suggest more hostile ones when providing alternative responses (Guerra & Slaby, 1989; Richard & Dodge, 1982). Finally, Youngstrom et al. (2000) found that the types of solutions generated by preschoolers predicted their social competence at the time of assessment as well as two years later, suggesting that the ability to generate solutions has long‐lasting effects on social development. Overall, these findings demonstrate that the quantity of solutions generated is important in predicting social adjustment, and perhaps even more so, the quality of solutions as reflected by effectiveness, appropriateness, and reduced aggressiveness.</p> <p>In examining why certain children generate fewer and more aggressive solutions, researchers have considered the role of social‐cognitive processes. The social information processing model proposed by Crick and Dodge (1994) identifies two cognitive steps believed to impact problem‐solving ability across the five aforementioned stages. These include encoding (i.e., attention to internal and external cues present in a social situation) and attribution of intent (i.e., interpreting relevant cues to determine the motivation of others). Research indicates that aggression is related to social‐cognitive deficits in these areas. Specifically, studies show that aggressive individuals are hypervigilant to hostile cues (neglecting relevant nonhostile cues), make premature judgements and unwarranted hostile attribution biases, respond quickly, and view aggressive solutions more favourably than nonaggressive children (Crick & Dodge, 1996; Dodge & Newman, 1981; Erdley & Asher, 1998; Lansford et al., 2006). Results from studies have also shown that aggressive children are less aware of the potential negative consequences of their solution strategies than prosocial children (Warden & Mackinnon, 2003). Together, the findings strongly indicate that social adjustment in children is mediated by interpersonal problem‐solving ability.</p> <p>Although children learn interpersonal problem‐solving abilities through observation, modelling, reinforcement, and personal experiences in a variety of social contexts (Huesmann & Eron, 1989; Miller, Murry, & Brody, 2005), research to date has primarily focused on individual or peer contexts. Given that the parent–child relationship represents the first social context in which problem‐solving skills are acquired, examining how parents promote children's problem‐solving efforts is critical. As mothers are often the primary caregivers, they may be especially influential in shaping their children's problem‐solving skills. Research indicates that mothers who positively reinforce their children, ask guiding questions, model good listening skills, display warmth and sensitivity, as well as resolve conflicts openly and constructively, have children who are more socially skilled and effective problem solvers, not only with their families but also in other social contexts such as with peers (Bloomquist, August, & Brombach, 1996; Laursen & Collins, 1994; Miller et al., 2005; Portes, 1991; Winsler, Diaz, & McCarthy, 1999). These effective strategies have been positively associated with maternal education, which in turn has predicted mother–child co‐operation (Jones, Rickel, & Smith, 1980; Nilholm & Säljö, 1996). Co‐operation and compromise are considered sophisticated modes of problem solving and are linked to positive mother–child conflict resolution (McCombs, Forehand, & Smith, 1988; Smetana, Yau, & Hanson, 1991). In contrast, maternal restrictiveness and hostility have been associated with negative mother–child interactions as well as less effective problem‐solving strategies in children (e.g., fewer solutions generated, fewer negotiation tactics, and propensity toward aggressive and/or evasive responses; Dodge, Pettit, & Bates, 1994; Jones et al., 1980; Root & Jenkins, 2005; Vuchinich, Angelelli, & Gatherum, 1996).</p> <p>Despite the dynamic nature of mother–child interpersonal problem solving, research has primarily relied on self‐report data and hypothetical conflict situations (Haskett, 1990; Jones et al., 1980; Miller et al., 2005); observing mothers and children resolve their own disputes provides a more naturalistic account of their strategies. These interactions are particularly valuable during middle childhood, as children's cognitive skills become more sophisticated, and their social experiences and desire for autonomy increase (Erikson, 1964; Vuchinich et al., 1996). Furthermore, parent–child conflicts are likely to increase or intensify (Riesch, Bush, & Nelson, 2000; Smetana, Daddis, & Chuang, 2003).</p> <p>Parents' ability to effectively resolve disputes with their preadolescent children may be affected by several risk factors, such as mental health, poverty, and behavioural problems (Serbin, Stack, & Schwartzman, 2000). For example, mothers experiencing cumulative risk factors, such as high levels of economic stress, single parenthood, and/or visible minority status, have been shown to model aggression, view it as an appropriate means of problem solving, and make more hostile emotional appraisals of ambiguous interpersonal situations when interacting with their children (Dodge et al., 1994; Root & Jenkins, 2005). In turn, children from low socioeconomic families tend to show higher levels of aggression at school (Root & Jenkins, 2005). Results from these studies imply that mothers from high‐risk backgrounds may not have developed effective problem‐solving skills during their own childhoods and may therefore have difficulty teaching appropriate strategies to their children.</p> <p>Given this negative cycle, it is essential to examine whether childhood risk hinders the quality of mother–child problem solving. Aggression in girls can be particularly damaging for developing adaptive parenting skills, as it places women at risk for poor psychosocial outcomes (Serbin, Cooperman, & Peters, 1998; Serbin et al., 2000). Because aggression is a stable behavioural pattern, coercive behaviours can persist into adulthood and reveal themselves in parenting strategies such as greater use of power assertion (Cairns, Cairns, & Xie, 1998; Patterson, 1982). Research has consistently shown strong evidence supporting a negative relationship between total number of solutions generated, effective and appropriate responses to interpersonal conflict, and aggression (Evans & Short, 1991; Fischler & Kendall, 1988; Richard & Dodge, 1982).</p> <p>Social withdrawal is also associated with a myriad of negative psychosocial outcomes, such as low self‐esteem, peer rejection (Coplan, Prakash, O'Neil, & Armer, 2004), anxiety, aggression (Coplan, Closson, & Arbeau, 2007), and depression (Harter & Jackson, 1993). Because social withdrawal may manifest itself more covertly than aggression, its pathways to risk may be more difficult to detect and follow across development. Nevertheless, research indicates that it is a stable behavioural pattern (Serbin et al., 2000). Children who experience social withdrawal due to peer rejection have been shown to be more aggressive and disruptive as well as less socially skilled when interacting with their peers (Qualter & Munn, 2002). Children who are both aggressive <emph>and</emph> socially withdrawn are more at risk for negative outcomes throughout development (De Genna, Stack, Serbin, Ledingham, & Schwartzman, 2007; Root & Jenkins, 2005; Serbin et al., 2000). Although this may also be true of aggressive women, withdrawn or aggressive and withdrawn women place themselves at risk by hindering their capacity to learn competent social skills and, in turn, their ability to parent (Serbin et al., 1998; Serbin et al., 2004).</p> <p>The Concordia Longitudinal Risk Project (Concordia Project) offers the unique opportunity to study women with childhood histories of aggression and withdrawal in an intergenerational framework. This ongoing project is a community‐based high‐risk sample of disadvantaged individuals from low socioeconomic backgrounds who were screened as children along dimensions of aggression and social withdrawal (Ledingham, 1981). Across their life course, participants have experienced negative sequelae, such as school dropout, delinquency, sexually transmitted diseases and teen parenthood, low income, adult criminality, as well as mental illnesses (Serbin et al., 2000). In addition, women from the Concordia Project identified as having childhood histories of aggression and social withdrawal have been found to exhibit more negative parenting behaviours relative to comparison mothers (e.g., more unresponsive, hostile, negative scaffolding; Bentley, 2002; Saltaris, Serbin, & Stack, 2004; Serbin et al., 2004; Stack, Serbin, & Schwartzman, 2005). In turn, children of aggressive and withdrawn mothers exhibit problematic behavioural patterns during mother–child interactions (e.g., less assertive, more unresponsive, more negative facial expressions; Enns (2008); Grunzeweig et al., 2008). Outside the mother–child context, offspring of the original Concordia Project participants have been found to be at risk for cognitive and behavioural difficulties, developmental delays, and health problems (Serbin et al., 1998; Serbin et al., 2000).</p> <p>To date, as far as can be determined, there has been no report of a study examining mother–child interpersonal problem‐solving strategies with mothers who displayed aggression and/or social withdrawal as children. The current study examined three important stages of problem solving: problem definition, solution generation (including quality and type), and decision making. Mothers from the Concordia Project were observed discussing personal conflicts with their 9‐ to 13‐year‐old children. Given the literature on the link between deficient problem‐solving skills and behavioural problems (Evans & Short, 1991; Warden & Mackinnon, 2003; Youngstrom et al., 2000), maternal childhood histories of aggression and/or social withdrawal were expected to be negatively associated with: (<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref6">1</reflink>) dyads' ability to discuss their conflict in depth; (<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref7">2</reflink>) the number and quality of solutions generated; and (<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref8">3</reflink>) dyads' ability to resolve their conflicts effectively, collaboratively, and without negativity. Specifically, dyads with mothers who were either aggressive or aggressive and socially withdrawn in childhood were expected to generate more antisocial solutions. Dyads with mothers who were socially withdrawn in childhood were expected to generate solutions reflecting more solitary strategies.</p> <hd id="AN0070469991-2">Method</hd> <p></p> <hd id="AN0070469991-3">Participants</hd> <p>Between 1976 and 1978, 1774 students in grades one, four, and seven attending French‐speaking public schools were recruited from inner‐city, low socioeconomic neighbourhoods of Montreal, Quebec, Canada. These students were screened on dimensions of aggression and social withdrawal by means of a French version of the pupil evaluation inventory (PEI; Pekarik, Prinz, Liebert, Weintraub, & Neale, 1976). The PEI consists of a 34‐item questionnaire that produces three factor scores of Aggression, Social Withdrawal, and Likeability. Children were asked to nominate up to four boys and four girls who best matched each item. Using percentile cut‐offs, children were identified as being at high psychosocial risk if they had extreme scores on dimensions of aggression (above the 95 percentile), withdrawal (above the 95 percentile), or both (above the 75 percentile). A normative comparison group of children who were low on these dimensions from the same schools and neighbourhoods was also selected. A more detailed description of the original methodology can be found in Schwartzman, Ledingham, and Serbin (1985). The PEI has been found to have high reliability (above.80 on all factors; Pekarik et al., 1976), good convergent validity with observational ratings (Serbin, Lyons, Marchessault, Schwartzman, & Ledingham, 1987) as well as good stability (Moszkowitz, Schwartzman, & Ledingham, 1985).</p> <p>The present study was drawn from a representative group of 73 female participants from the Concordia Project who were visited when their children were preschoolers. Of these, seven mothers were unable to participate, three had not been contacted at the time of the present study, and six interactions were excluded due to procedural errors. Thus, 57 mothers and their 9‐ to 13‐year‐old children (24 boys and 33 girls) participated. As in previous studies of the Concordia Project (De Genna et al., 2007; Grunzeweig, Stack, Serbin, Ledingham, & Schwartzman, 2009), mothers' childhood aggression and social withdrawal scores were analysed as dimensions rather than categorical predictors; for the present sample, these scores were normally distributed. Aggression <emph>z</emph> scores ranged from −.74 to 2.64 [mean (<emph>M</emph>) =.19, standard deviation (<emph>SD</emph>) = 1.06] and Withdrawal <emph>z</emph> scores ranged from −1.59 to 2.95 (<emph>M</emph>=.54, <emph>SD</emph>= 1.03). No significant differences were found between these means (<emph>t</emph>(<reflink idref="bib56" id="ref9">56</reflink>) =−1.73, <emph>p</emph> >.05).</p> <p>At the time of data collection, children's ages ranged from 9.49 to 13.29 years (<emph>M</emph>= 10.95, <emph>SD</emph>=.97), and mothers' ages ranged from 32.80 to 42.57 (<emph>M</emph>= 37.32, <emph>SD</emph>= 2.49). Mothers had attained 5.00–17.00 years of schooling (<emph>M</emph>= 12.51, <emph>SD</emph>= 2.75). To ensure that mothers high on aggression and/or social withdrawal (i.e., risk group), did not otherwise differ from mothers low on aggression and/or social withdrawal (i.e., comparison group), comparisons between these two groups were made on several important sociodemographic variables (i.e., child age, maternal age at testing, maternal age at the birth of her first child, maternal education, and prestige ratings). No significant differences were found except that comparison mothers (<emph>M</emph>= 13.4, <emph>SD</emph>= 2.61) had acquired an average of 2.03 more years of education than high‐risk mothers (<emph>M</emph>= 11.44, <emph>SD</emph>= 2.55), <emph>t</emph>(<reflink idref="bib55" id="ref10">55</reflink>) =−2.96, <emph>p</emph>=.005 (two‐tailed). The mean prestige rating (<emph>M</emph>= 356.21, <emph>SD</emph>= 120.98) for all mothers corresponds to the following types of jobs: ticket agents, counter clerks, and clerical supervisors (Rossi, Sampson, Bose, Jasso, & Passel, 1974). To ensure that mothers and children in the present sample (N = 57) were similar to those in the original sample (N = 73), within sample comparisons were performed on the same aforementioned sociodemographic variables. No significant differences were found.</p> <hd id="AN0070469991-4">Procedure</hd> <p>Mothers were contacted by telephone. Those who consented were scheduled for a home visit, during which they were asked to read and sign a consent form as well as complete a battery of questionnaires. They were also videotaped interacting with their child in three different contexts. Experimenters were blind to the mothers' risk status. For the purposes of this study, only one context was selected based on its ability to examine naturalistic mother–child interpersonal problem‐solving behaviours. Specifically, mother–child dyads were asked to discuss conflicts which they had <emph>both</emph> rated as especially problematic in their relationship for 6 min (e.g., chores, homework, respecting parents, and so on). Dyads were permitted to request a new topic if less than 4 min had elapsed and they could not discuss the topic further. Most dyads discussed only one topic (60 percent), although some discussed two (28 percent) and even fewer between two and four (12 percent). To maintain an equal number of topics across dyads, only the first conflict discussed was analyzed in the present study which averaged 4 min 37 s (<emph>SD</emph>= 1.74). Topics could be categorized according to four themes: household and school responsibilities (N = 28), interpersonal problems with parents and siblings (N = 19), request for more autonomy (N = 7), and respecting parental demands (N = 3).</p> <hd id="AN0070469991-5">Behavioural Coding and Data Preparation</hd> <p>The mother–child social problem‐solving coding scheme (MCSPSC) was used to code the quantity and sophistication of mother–child problem‐solving verbal statements across three stages: Problem definition, Solution generation, and Decision making. The authors developed this observational measure for the purposes of the study based in part on the existing literature (D'Zurilla & Goldfried, 1971; Mott & Krane, 1994). The coding scheme underwent numerous revisions until all measures were operationalized and could adequately and reliably describe mother–child problem‐solving strategies and their sophistication.</p> <p>Videotaped mother–child interactions were observed and verbal statements made by either the mother or child related to one of the three stages were sequentially coded. For both the Problem Definition and Solution stages, verbal statements were coded in 'thought' units, each containing one idea/argument. Thus, if more than one concept or thought was included in several statements, each would be coded separately. The three problem‐solving stages presented in the current study are ordered solely for purposes of clarification. It was recognized that participants might begin with generating solutions before defining the problem, and this was accounted for in the MCSPSC. However, the Decision‐Making stage was always examined at the end of the task. Operational definitions of all codes can be found in Table 1.</p> <p>1 Operational Definitions for the Mother–child Social Problem‐solving Coding Scheme (MCSPSC)</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead valign="bottom"><tr><th>Code</th><th>Description</th></tr></thead><tbody valign="top"><tr><td><italic>Problem definition stage</italic></td><td /></tr><tr><td> Descriptive</td><td>Concrete or factual description of the problem or an aspect of the problem</td></tr><tr><td> Issue</td><td>Concerns or emotion‐based statements</td></tr><tr><td> Goal</td><td>Desires, wishes or expectations regarding the other's behaviour without stating how one would get to the desired end point</td></tr><tr><td> Cause</td><td>Subjective explanation of the problem's cause(s)</td></tr><tr><td><italic>Solution generation stage</italic></td><td /></tr><tr><td> Autonomous</td><td>Solving the problem on one's own without help from others</td></tr><tr><td> Social</td><td>Solving the problem by co‐operating with others</td></tr><tr><td> Antisocial overt</td><td>Direct confrontation and/or punishments</td></tr><tr><td> Antisocial covert</td><td>Socially excluding others or socially withdrawing oneself</td></tr><tr><td><italic>Sophistication</italic></td><td /></tr><tr><td> Poor</td><td>Statements or solutions which are vague, unrealistic, and/or contain little information as well as solutions which lack relevant information (e.g., planning, foresight, causal thinking, time reference)</td></tr><tr><td> Very good</td><td>Statements or solutions which are clear, sufficiently detailed, realistic as well as solutions which contain relevant information (e.g., planning, causal thinking, time reference)</td></tr><tr><td><italic>Decision‐making stage</italic></td><td /></tr><tr><td> Resolution status</td><td /></tr><tr><td>  Unresolved</td><td>A solution has not been selected or neither has stated that the problem is resolved</td></tr><tr><td>  Unresolved conflict</td><td>Elevated conflict between mother and child and the problem remains unresolved</td></tr><tr><td>  Resolved specified</td><td>A solution to be implemented has been selected by either or both participants</td></tr><tr><td>  Resolved unspecified</td><td>Dyad verbally states that the problem has been resolved without choosing a concrete strategy to resolve the problem</td></tr><tr><td><italic>Manner of resolution</italic></td><td /></tr><tr><td> Collaboration</td><td>Both mother and child participate in the decision‐making process (e.g., elaborate on each other's ideas or share opinions), ending in mutual agreement</td></tr><tr><td> Compromise</td><td>A decision proposed by one participant is altered in order to accommodate the other</td></tr><tr><td> Agreement</td><td>A participant agrees with the other's decision without actively participating in the process</td></tr><tr><td> Submission</td><td>A participant exhibits disapproval or appears reluctant despite consenting to the other's decision</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>Verbal statements aimed at understanding or explaining the conflict were identified as belonging to the Problem Definition stage, and four defining statement codes were derived: Descriptive, Issues, Goals, and Causes. Verbal statements aimed at solving the problem were identified as belonging to the solution generation stage, and four solution statement codes were derived: Autonomous, Social, Antisocial Overt, and Antisocial Covert. Hereafter, the terms 'defining statement' and 'solution' will be used to identify these two codes. Three levels of sophistication were used to rate each defining statement and solution: Poor, Good, and Very Good. Sophistication variables were reduced in two ways to limit the number of analyses. Firstly, rather than analysing the sophistication of each of the four defining statements and solution codes, these were collapsed to form three overall sophistication ratings for each stage (i.e., total Poor, Good, and Very Good). Secondly, only the lowest and highest sophistication ratings were analysed for mothers and children: Poor and Very Good. To minimize potential bias from coders, sophistication ratings were a function of likelihood, clarity, and the extent of detail/elaboration given.</p> <p>Decision making was coded globally, commencing as soon as either participant selected a solution to implement or if either verbally stated that the conflict had been resolved. The coder would then examine the remaining interaction and determine which resolution status best fit. Four resolution statuses were coded: Unresolved, Unresolved Conflict, Resolved Specified, and Resolved Unspecified. When a dyad received Resolved Specified or Resolved Unspecified, the manner of their decision making was coded. Four codes of resolution styles were derived: Collaboration, Compromise, mother or child Agreement, and mother or child Submission.</p> <p>Inter‐rater reliability was achieved by having an undergraduate student, who was blind to the hypotheses of the study, code a portion (30 percent) of the interactions. Both the primary and secondary coders were blind to maternal risk status. Interobserver agreement was calculated using kappa coefficients. Reliability was 83 percent for the Problem Definition stage, 90 percent for the Solution Generation stage, 80 percent for Resolution Status, and 93 percent for the Manner of resolution.</p> <p>Frequencies for all codes were obtained for both mothers and children, resulting in 32 variables [(problem definition stage; 4 × 2) + (solution generation stage; 4 × 2) + (sophistication in both stages; 2 × 2 × 2) + (resolution status; 4) + (resolution manner; 4)]. Frequency scores for each defining statement and solution code were summed to obtain four variables of the total number of defining statements/solutions made by mothers and children individually. Elaborations were subtracted from all four solution codes, obtaining frequency scores for unique solutions generated by either participant. However, given that elaborations were interpreted as opportunities for mothers and children to increase the sophistication of their problem‐solving strategies, all other variables included elaborations.</p> <p>To reduce the number of analyses, certain variables were either omitted or collapsed. In the Problem‐Defining stage, only the total number of defining statements across types was analysed, reflecting the extent to which dyads discussed the nature of their conflict overall. In the Solution Generation Stage, Overt and Covert Antisocial Solutions were collapsed, creating a broader antisocial variable. To examine whether aggression and Social Withdrawal were mirrored in dyads with mothers who displayed these behaviours in childhood, only Autonomous and Antisocial solutions were analysed due to the solitary and aggressive nature reflected in each, respectively. With regard to sophistication ratings, only the sophistication of solutions was included in the analyses given the link that has been shown in previous studies between social competence and the types of solutions generated. Finally, in the decision‐making stage, 'collaboration' and 'compromise' were collapsed to create a dyadic resolution code, indicating that mothers and children participated together when resolving their conflict. Similarly, maternal agreement and child agreement were also collapsed to form an agreement resolution variable.</p> <hd id="AN0070469991-6">Results</hd> <p>The <emph>M</emph> and <emph>SD</emph> for all variables are reported in Table 2. Hierarchical multiple regressions were employed to investigate the effects of maternal risk status on mother–child problem‐solving strategies. Zero‐order correlations were used to inform the use of regressions. To remain consistent with the central focus of the paper, regressions were conducted solely when outcome variables significantly related to maternal histories of aggression and/or social withdrawal (see Table 3 for correlation coefficients). In all regressions, predictor variables were entered chronologically; mothers' histories of aggression and social withdrawal were entered first, and maternal education (in years) was entered as a second step. Child age and gender were entered in the third step. Finally, because previous research from the Concordia Project has indicated that the presence of both childhood aggression and social withdrawal together may be more predictive of negative outcomes than aggression or withdrawal alone, the interaction term was centred and entered in the final step. All significant results in regression analyses regarding the interaction between aggression and withdrawal were isolated.</p> <p>2 Descriptive Statistics for all Variables Analysed: Means, Standard Deviations, and Percentages</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead valign="bottom"><tr><th>Variable</th><th><italic>M</italic></th><th><italic>SD</italic></th><th>%</th></tr></thead><tbody valign="top"><tr><td><italic>Total defining statements</italic></td><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td> Mother</td><td>13.47</td><td>6.63</td><td>59.8</td></tr><tr><td> Child</td><td>9.05</td><td>5.83</td><td>40.2</td></tr><tr><td><italic>Solutions</italic></td><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td> Autonomous</td><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td>  Mother</td><td>1.11</td><td>1.47</td><td>61.2</td></tr><tr><td>  Child</td><td>.28</td><td>.62</td><td>37.2</td></tr><tr><td> Antisocial</td><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td>  Mother</td><td>.28</td><td>.70</td><td>15.5</td></tr><tr><td>  Child</td><td>.14</td><td>.26</td><td>18.6</td></tr><tr><td><italic>Sophistication of solutions</italic></td><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td> Poor</td><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td>  Mother</td><td>.49</td><td>.93</td><td>16.6</td></tr><tr><td>  Child</td><td>.30</td><td>.63</td><td>19.8</td></tr><tr><td> Very Good</td><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td>  Mother</td><td>1.40</td><td>1.96</td><td>47.3</td></tr><tr><td>  Child</td><td>.58</td><td>1.40</td><td>38.4</td></tr><tr><td><italic>Decision‐making codes</italic></td><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td> Resolved specified</td><td>.46</td><td>.76</td><td>40.0</td></tr><tr><td> Resolved unspecified</td><td>.12</td><td>.33</td><td>10.8</td></tr><tr><td> Unresolved with conflict</td><td>.21</td><td>.45</td><td>18.5</td></tr><tr><td> Unresolved no conflict</td><td>.35</td><td>.48</td><td>30.8</td></tr><tr><td> Dyadic resolution</td><td>.19</td><td>.44</td><td>33.3</td></tr><tr><td> Agreement resolution</td><td>.16</td><td>.37</td><td>27.3</td></tr><tr><td> Mother submit</td><td>.00</td><td>.00</td><td>.00</td></tr><tr><td> Child submit</td><td>.23</td><td>.46</td><td>39.4</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>1 <emph>Note</emph>: Percentage scores for manner of resolution based on total resolved conflicts.</p> <p>3 Correlation Coefficients Between Measures</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead valign="bottom"><tr><th /><th>A</th><th>W</th><th>A*W</th><th>Gender</th><th>Age</th><th>Educ.</th></tr></thead><tbody valign="top"><tr><td><italic>Total defining statements</italic></td></tr><tr><td> Child</td><td>−.029</td><td>−.273*</td><td>.024</td><td>.235</td><td>.229</td><td>.163</td></tr><tr><td> Mother</td><td>−.001</td><td>−.153</td><td>−.073</td><td>−.166</td><td>.351**</td><td>.282*</td></tr><tr><td><italic>Total solutions</italic></td><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td> Child</td><td>.109</td><td>.313*</td><td>.397**</td><td>−.026</td><td>−.074</td><td>.064</td></tr><tr><td> Mother</td><td>.015</td><td>.023</td><td>.145</td><td>−.011</td><td>.026</td><td>.075</td></tr><tr><td><italic>Sophistication of solutions</italic></td></tr><tr><td> Child poor</td><td>.237</td><td>.130</td><td>.324*</td><td>.181</td><td>.020</td><td>−.059</td></tr><tr><td> Child sophisticated</td><td>−.201</td><td>.029</td><td>−.110</td><td>.228</td><td>−.185</td><td>.265*</td></tr><tr><td> Mother poor</td><td>.108</td><td>.100</td><td>.277*</td><td>.185</td><td>.116</td><td>−.072</td></tr><tr><td> Mother sophisticated</td><td>.173</td><td>.003</td><td>.162</td><td>−.024</td><td>−.030</td><td>.110</td></tr><tr><td><italic>Type of solution</italic></td><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td> Child antisocial</td><td>.187</td><td>.108</td><td>.427*</td><td>−.237</td><td>−.136</td><td>.031</td></tr><tr><td> Mother antisocial</td><td>.000</td><td>−.171</td><td>.120</td><td>.089</td><td>.150</td><td>.313*</td></tr><tr><td> Child autonomous</td><td>−.172</td><td>.348**</td><td>−.139</td><td>.043</td><td>.041</td><td>.051</td></tr><tr><td> Mother autonomous</td><td>−.116</td><td>−.004</td><td>−.085</td><td>.062</td><td>−.060</td><td>.048</td></tr><tr><td><italic>Resolution status</italic></td><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td> Resolved unspecified</td><td>.095</td><td>.380**</td><td>.290*</td><td>−.006</td><td>.032</td><td>−.109</td></tr><tr><td> Resolved specified</td><td>.006</td><td>−.092</td><td>−.065</td><td>.045</td><td>.019</td><td>.161</td></tr><tr><td> Unresolved with conflict</td><td>−.226</td><td>−.114</td><td>−.063</td><td>−.075</td><td>.075</td><td>.084</td></tr><tr><td> Unresolved no conflict</td><td>.105</td><td>−.173</td><td>−.023</td><td>.106</td><td>.054</td><td>.025</td></tr><tr><td><italic>Manner of resolution</italic></td><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td> Dyadic resolution</td><td>.165</td><td>.105</td><td>.257</td><td>.133</td><td>.005</td><td>.168*</td></tr><tr><td> Child submission</td><td>−.014</td><td>−.027</td><td>−.045</td><td>−.041</td><td>.077</td><td>.047</td></tr><tr><td> Agreement</td><td>−.082</td><td>.061</td><td>−.124</td><td>−.021</td><td>−.034</td><td>−.028</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <ulist> <item>2 <emph>Note</emph>: A = maternal histories of aggression; W = maternal histories of social withdrawal; A*W = maternal histories of both aggression and withdrawal; Age = child age; Educ. = maternal education in years.</item> <item>3 * <emph>p</emph>≤.05, ** <emph>p</emph>≤.01.</item> </ulist> <hd id="AN0070469991-7">Maternal Risk Predicting Problem Definition</hd> <p>A multiple regression was conducted for total defining statements made by children. Neither maternal childhood aggression nor social withdrawal predicted the total frequency of children's defining statements.</p> <hd id="AN0070469991-8">Maternal Risk Predicting Solution Generation</hd> <p>A separate multiple regression was conducted for the total number of solutions as well as autonomous and antisocial solutions generated by children. For children's total number of solutions, the hierarchical regression accounted for 22 percent (adjusted) of the total variance (Table 4). At step 1 and throughout all steps, maternal childhood withdrawal emerged as a significant predictor, explaining 9.9 perecent of the variance. Mothers who were socially withdrawn in childhood had children who provided more solutions overall. At step 4, the interaction term between aggression and withdrawal emerged as a significant predictor, accounting for 11.7 percent of the variance. Mothers who were high on both aggression and withdrawal in childhood had children who suggested more solutions overall.</p> <p>4 Summary of Hierarchical Multiple Regression Analyses Predicting Total Solutions and Type of Solutions from Maternal Childhood Histories of Aggression and Social Withdrawal</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead valign="bottom"><tr><th>Predictor</th><th align="center">Total number and type of solutions</th></tr><tr><th align="center">Total (child)</th><th align="center">Autonomous (child)</th><th align="center">Antisocial (child)</th></tr><tr><th>Δ<italic>R</italic><sup>2</sup></th><th>B</th><th>SE B</th><th>β</th><th>Δ<italic>R</italic><sup>2</sup></th><th>B</th><th>SE B</th><th>β</th><th>Δ<italic>R</italic><sup>2</sup></th><th>B</th><th>SE B</th><th>β</th></tr></thead><tbody valign="top"><tr><td>Step 1</td><td>.12*</td><td /><td /><td /><td>.13*</td><td /><td /><td /><td>.05</td><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td> Aggression</td><td /><td>.19</td><td>.17</td><td>.15</td><td /><td>−.09</td><td>.08</td><td>−.14</td><td /><td>.08</td><td>.06</td><td>.21</td></tr><tr><td> Withdrawal</td><td /><td>.40</td><td>.17</td><td>.32*</td><td /><td>.21</td><td>.08</td><td>.32*</td><td /><td>.04</td><td>.06</td><td>.11</td></tr><tr><td>Step 2</td><td>.01*</td><td /><td /><td /><td>.03</td><td /><td /><td /><td>.02</td><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td> Aggression</td><td /><td>.27</td><td>.17</td><td>.22</td><td /><td>−.06</td><td>.08</td><td>−.10</td><td /><td>.10</td><td>.06</td><td>.24</td></tr><tr><td> Withdrawal</td><td /><td>.56</td><td>.18</td><td>.44**</td><td /><td>.26</td><td>.09</td><td>.41**</td><td /><td>.07</td><td>.06</td><td>.15</td></tr><tr><td> Control variablea</td><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td>Step 3</td><td>.01</td><td /><td /><td /><td>.08</td><td /><td /><td /><td>.08</td><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td> Aggression</td><td /><td>.26</td><td>.17</td><td>.21</td><td /><td>−.09</td><td>.08</td><td>−.14</td><td /><td>.11</td><td>.06</td><td>.27</td></tr><tr><td> Withdrawal</td><td /><td>.59</td><td>.20</td><td>.47**</td><td /><td>.34</td><td>.09</td><td>.53**</td><td /><td>.02</td><td>.07</td><td>.05</td></tr><tr><td> Control variablesb</td><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td>Step 4</td><td>.12*</td><td /><td /><td /><td>.01</td><td /><td /><td /><td>.11*</td><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td> Aggression</td><td /><td>.14</td><td>.16</td><td>.11</td><td /><td>−.07</td><td>.09</td><td>−.11</td><td /><td>.07</td><td>.06</td><td>.18</td></tr><tr><td> Withdrawal</td><td /><td>.60</td><td>.18</td><td>.48**</td><td /><td>.34</td><td>.10</td><td>.53**</td><td /><td>.02</td><td>.06</td><td>.05</td></tr><tr><td> Control variablesb</td><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td> Agg X with</td><td /><td>.40</td><td>.14</td><td>.36**</td><td /><td>−.06</td><td>.07</td><td>−.11</td><td /><td>.13</td><td>.05</td><td>.35*</td></tr><tr><td>Total R<sup>2</sup></td><td>.31</td><td /><td /><td /><td>.25</td><td /><td /><td /><td>.26</td><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td>N</td><td>57</td><td /><td /><td /><td>57</td><td /><td /><td /><td>57</td><td /><td /><td /></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <ulist> <item>4 <emph>Note</emph>: Agg X with = interaction term of aggression and withdrawal.</item> <item>5 a Control variable included maternal education.</item> <item>6 b Control variables included maternal education, child age and child gender.</item> <item>7 * <emph>p</emph>≤.05, ** <emph>p</emph>≤.01.</item> </ulist> <p>For children's autonomous solutions, the hierarchical regression accounted for 15.5 percent (adjusted) of the total variance (Table 4). At step 1, maternal childhood withdrawal emerged as a significant predictor, accounting for 10.5 percent of the variance. Mothers who were socially withdrawn in childhood had children who generated a greater number of autonomous solutions. That is, they were more likely to suggest solitary solutions.</p> <p>Pertaining to children's antisocial solutions, the hierarchical regression accounted for 16.8 percent (adjusted) of the total variance (Table 4). At step 4, the interaction term between aggression and withdrawal emerged as a significant predictor, accounting for 11.2 percent of the variance. Mothers who were high on both aggression and withdrawal in childhood had children who generated more antisocial solutions overall. These included passive‐aggressive solutions such as social withdrawal or exclusion and/or solutions involving punishments, direct confrontation, or aggressive strategies.</p> <hd id="AN0070469991-9">Maternal Risk Status Predicting Sophistication of Solutions</hd> <p>A separate multiple regression was conducted for each sophistication rating for both mother and child solutions. In the regression examining poor solutions generated by mothers, the hierarchical regression accounted for 7.3 percent (adjusted) of the total variance (Table 5). At step 4, the interaction term between aggression and withdrawal emerged significant, explaining 6.9 percent of the variance. Mothers who were high on both aggression and withdrawal in childhood generated more poorly sophisticated solutions when resolving their conflict (e.g., unrealistic or extremely vague).</p> <p>5 Summary of Hierarchical Multiple Regression Analyses Predicting Poor Solutions from Maternal Childhood Histories of Aggression and Social Withdrawal for both Mother and Child</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead valign="bottom"><tr><th>Predictor</th><th align="center">Poor quality solutions</th></tr><tr><th align="center">Mother</th><th align="center">Child</th></tr><tr><th>Δ<italic>R</italic><sup>2</sup></th><th>B</th><th>SE B</th><th>β</th><th>Δ<italic>R</italic><sup>2</sup></th><th>B</th><th>SE B</th><th>β</th></tr></thead><tbody valign="top"><tr><td>Step 1</td><td>.03</td><td /><td /><td /><td>.08</td><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td> Aggression</td><td /><td>.13</td><td>.13</td><td>.14</td><td /><td>.16</td><td>.08</td><td>.25</td></tr><tr><td> Withdrawal</td><td /><td>.12</td><td>.13</td><td>.13</td><td /><td>.10</td><td>.08</td><td>.15</td></tr><tr><td>Step 2</td><td>.00</td><td /><td /><td /><td>.05</td><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td> Aggression</td><td /><td>.14</td><td>.14</td><td>.14</td><td /><td>.15</td><td>.08</td><td>.24</td></tr><tr><td> Withdrawal</td><td /><td>.13</td><td>.15</td><td>.14</td><td /><td>.13</td><td>.08</td><td>.21</td></tr><tr><td> Control variablea</td><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td>Step 3</td><td>.08</td><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td> Aggression</td><td /><td>.11</td><td>.13</td><td>.11</td><td /><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td> Withdrawal</td><td /><td>.24</td><td>.16</td><td>.26</td><td /><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td> Control Variablesb</td><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td>Step 4</td><td>.07*</td><td /><td /><td /><td>.06*</td><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td> Aggression</td><td /><td>.04</td><td>.13</td><td>.04</td><td /><td>.12</td><td>.08</td><td>.19</td></tr><tr><td> Withdrawal</td><td /><td>.24</td><td>.15</td><td>.26</td><td /><td>.14</td><td>.08</td><td>.22</td></tr><tr><td> Control variablesb</td><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td> Agg X with</td><td /><td>.23</td><td>.12</td><td>.28*</td><td /><td>.15</td><td>.07</td><td>.26*</td></tr><tr><td>Total R<sup>2</sup></td><td>.18</td><td /><td /><td /><td>.19</td><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td>N</td><td>57</td><td /><td /><td /><td>57</td><td /><td /><td /></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <ulist> <item>8 <emph>Note</emph>: Agg X with = interaction term of aggression and withdrawal.</item> <item>9 The regression predicting children's poor solutions had a total of three steps and the interaction term is entered in the third final step.</item> <item>10 a Control variable included maternal education in the regression predicting mother's poor solutions and child gender in the regression predicting children's poor solutions.</item> <item>11 b Control variables included maternal education, child age and child gender in the regression predicting mother's poor solutions and child gender in the regression predicting children's poor solutions.</item> <item>12 *  <emph>p</emph>≤.05.</item> </ulist> <p>For children's poor solutions, the hierarchical regression accounted for 9 percent (adjusted) of the total variance. At step 4 the interaction term between aggression and withdrawal emerged as a trend, accounting for 5.3 percent of the variance. As did their mothers who were high on aggression and withdrawal, children tended to generate more poorly sophisticated solutions. This finding suggests that dyads with aggressive and withdrawn mothers displayed less sophisticated strategies in resolving their conflict. Given its relevance to the study's hypotheses, this analysis warranted further attention. First, bivariate correlations were conducted to examine the associations between child poor solutions and the independent variables entered in each regression (i.e., maternal risk, maternal education, child age, and gender). None of the demographic variables were found to significantly correlate with the outcome variable. However, as detected in the regression analyses, a correlation between the interaction term and the outcome variable emerged significant, suggesting that this association was meaningful. Second, a reexamination of the regressions was conducted to determine the predictive value of each demographic variable. Only gender was found to be a significant predictor. Thus, to maximize power, gender remained whereas the other demographic variables were removed in both regressions. In this analysis, the hierarchical regression accounted for 12.4 percent (adjusted) of the total variance (Table 5). At step 4, the interaction term of aggression and withdrawal was significant, accounting for 7 percent of the variance.</p> <hd id="AN0070469991-10">Maternal Risk Status Predicting Decision Making</hd> <p>A multiple regression was conducted for resolved unspecified, which accounted for 14.4 percent (adjusted) of the total variance. At step 1, maternal withdrawal emerged a significant predictor, explaining 14.4 percent of the variance. Although dyads with mothers who were socially withdrawn in childhood resolved their conflicts, they were more likely to fail to specify which solution they would implement. That is, their responses reflected that the conflict had been resolved, but they were vague in expressing their strategy. At step 4, a trend for the interaction term between aggression and withdrawal was revealed, accounting for 5.6 percent of the variance. Dyads with mothers who were both high on aggression and withdrawal were also more likely to resolve their conflicts by failing to specify which solution they would implement. To remain consistent, the same approach was employed with this trend as with the previous one regarding children's poor solutions. This hierarchical regression accounted for 17.2 percent (adjusted) of the total variance (Table 6). At step 4, the interaction term between aggression and withdrawal emerged significant, accounting for 7.3 percent of the variance.</p> <p>6 Summary of Hierarchical Multiple Regression Analyses Predicting Resolved Unspecified from Maternal Childhood Histories of Aggression and Social Withdrawal</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead valign="bottom"><tr><th>Predictor</th><th>Δ<italic>R</italic><sup>2</sup></th><th>B</th><th>SE B</th><th>β</th></tr></thead><tbody valign="top"><tr><td>Step 1</td><td>16**</td><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td> Aggression</td><td /><td>.04</td><td>.04</td><td>.13</td></tr><tr><td> Withdrawal</td><td /><td>.13</td><td>.04</td><td>.39**</td></tr><tr><td>Step 2</td><td>.01</td><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td> Aggression</td><td /><td>.04</td><td>.04</td><td>.13</td></tr><tr><td> Withdrawal</td><td /><td>.14</td><td>.04</td><td>.42**</td></tr><tr><td> Control variablea</td><td /><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td>Step 3</td><td>.06*</td><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td> Aggression</td><td /><td>.02</td><td>.04</td><td>.07</td></tr><tr><td> Withdrawal</td><td /><td>.14</td><td>.04</td><td>.43**</td></tr><tr><td> Control variablea</td><td /><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td> Agg X with</td><td /><td>.08</td><td>.04</td><td>.26*</td></tr><tr><td>Total R<sup>2</sup></td><td>.23</td><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td>N</td><td>57</td><td /><td /><td /></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <ulist> <item>13 <emph>Note</emph>: Agg X with = interaction term of aggression and withdrawal.</item> <item>14 a Control variable included child gender.</item> <item>15 * <emph>p</emph>≤.05, ** <emph>p</emph> <.01.</item> </ulist> <hd id="AN0070469991-11">Discussion</hd> <p>The results partially supported the hypotheses and highlighted distinct patterns of responding to mother–child interpersonal conflicts for dyads with mothers with childhood histories of social withdrawal and those with histories of both aggression and withdrawal. Findings from the present study also indicate that maternal risk does not impair mother–child problem‐solving skills uniformly across the three stages of problem solving that were investigated. Rather, it appears that, particularly in children, certain problem‐solving skills are impaired whereas others seem adequate. For example, contrary to what was predicted, maternal histories of aggression and social withdrawal did not negatively affect the depth to which mothers or their children described the nature of their conflict, as determined by the total number of factual descriptions, personal concerns, goals or causes stated. It may be that, given their explicit instruction to 'discuss' their conflict, mother–child dyads were prompted to define their problem in more depth than they would have in real‐life situations. However, it may also be that mothers who were either socially withdrawn, aggressive, or both in childhood, as well as their children, are capable of defining their social problem in a seemingly effective way during mother–child interactions. If so, this finding has important implications given that the ability to clearly define and understand one's interpersonal conflicts is considered to be a crucial precursor to generating effective solutions (D'Zurilla & Goldfried, 1971). Yet, both effective and ineffective problem‐solving strategies emerged during the solution generation stage, indicating that, at least in this sample, success in one stage of problem solving does not necessarily predict success in another.</p> <p>Contrary to what was hypothesized, maternal histories of social withdrawal, as well as the combination of aggression and withdrawal, predicted children's ability to generate numerous solutions. In this way, children demonstrated effective problem solving with their mothers. Many studies have shown a positive relationship between the ability to generate numerous and varied solutions and social competence (Mize & Cox, 2001; Shure & Spivack, 1972, 1979). However, findings are mixed, with some studies reporting equal facility in the skill of generating solutions between children with poor social competence and comparison groups (Fischler & Kendall, 1988; Guerra & Slaby, 1989).</p> <p>Along similar lines, findings from the current investigation further call into question the relevance of examining the quantity of solutions, particularly within a high‐risk intergenerational framework. Rather, the findings underscored the importance of examining the quality of solutions and in two important ways. Firstly, mothers rated as highly aggressive and socially withdrawn in childhood, as well as their children, were more likely to generate poorly sophisticated solutions. These solutions were those that lacked clarity, elaborations, consequential thinking, foresight, and/or were unrealistic. Secondly, children of mothers with childhood histories of both aggression and social withdrawal were more likely to generate antisocial solutions. These solutions included: (<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref11">1</reflink>) emotionally aggressive and unassertive strategies (i.e., socially excluding others or oneself from the situation); as well as (<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref12">2</reflink>) punishments or aggressive, direct confrontation. As the problem‐solving literature is largely focused on aggressive children, rather than those who were socially withdrawn, comparisons with other studies are limited to this population. A large body of research indicates that children with behavioural difficulties generate solutions that are less effective, less appropriate, more aggressive, as well as cognitively less sophisticated (Fischler & Kendall, 1988; Mott & Krane, 1994; Youngstrom et al., 2000). Findings from several studies framed by the social‐information processing model indicate that aggressive children may have social‐cognitive deficits, which may partly explain their tendency toward aggressive responses including hostile attribution biases (Crick & Dodge, 1994; Warden & Mackinnon, 2003). Accordingly, mothers with histories of aggression and social withdrawal may have undergone similar processes. As a result, findings from the present study suggest that there may be long‐lasting negative effects on mothers' ability to generate sophisticated solutions when resolving personal disputes with their children.</p> <p>In conjunction, results indicate that, at least in the context of the mother–child relationship, children also displayed ineffective problem‐solving strategies. Specifically, although some have argued that the ability to generate a variety of solutions may provide an important repertoire from which to choose, children who generate mainly poorly sophisticated and/or antisocial solutions will likely choose an ineffective and less prosocial response (Dodge, 1980; Slaby & Guerra, 1988; Youngstrom et al., 2000). Consequently, these findings suggest that, in dyads where mothers have histories of aggression and social withdrawal, strategies used to resolve conflicts are less likely to be successful. Although there is a paucity of literature on mother–child interpersonal problem solving, research indicates that mothers from low socioeconomic status backgrounds and mothers with children with behavioural problems and their children similarly display poor conflict resolution strategies (e.g., less constructive and more punitive solutions; Dodge et al., 1994; Keltikangas‐Järvinen, 2001). Thus, findings from the current investigation support the argument that the quality of solutions is important and that it relates to social competence.</p> <p>Given the importance of the quality of solutions to effective social problem solving, the results from the current study are especially revealing as they may suggest a possible pathway for the transfer of risk from parent to child for children of mothers who were aggressive and socially withdrawn in childhood. In particular, these children appeared to mirror their mothers in the sophistication of solutions. As well, these children proposed solutions that closely resembled their mothers' childhood passive‐aggressive tendencies. Caspi and Elder's (1988) model of 'direct' transmission argues that children emulate their parents when interacting with them. Accordingly, mothers with histories of aggression and social withdrawal may have been displaying inappropriate behaviours and ineffective problem‐solving strategies. In turn, their children may have learned poor conflict resolution strategies, and that aggression and withdrawal are appropriate means to resolve conflicts.</p> <p>Indeed, theoretical and empirical research suggests that the experiences and knowledge obtained during parent–child interactions contributes to children's relations in other social contexts such as with peers (Cooper & Ayers‐Lopez, 1985; Keltikangas‐Järvinen, 2001). Ultimately, if children acquire poor problem‐solving skills from their mothers, their ability to navigate their social network will be more difficult. However, mother–child problem‐solving strategies were analysed separately. One direction for future research would be to explore the bidirectional nature of mother–child social problem solving using sequential analyses in order to tease apart the ways in which mothers and children influence each other and co‐construct their problem‐solving strategies to achieve problem resolution. As well, future investigations should examine the contributions of genetics as well as socialization in such domains as cognitive and language abilities in the prediction of quality of problem solving in mothers with histories of aggression and withdrawal and their children.</p> <p>Notably, only mothers who were both aggressive and withdrawn in childhood and their children demonstrated poor quality in their solutions. As a result of earlier findings (Saltaris et al., 2004; Serbin et al., 2000), it was expected that mothers who were aggressive or withdrawn in childhood, as well as their children, would generate fewer and less sophisticated solutions, as well as more antisocial ones, particularly in dyads where mothers had histories of aggression. However, previous research has also demonstrated that the combination of both aggression and withdrawal leads to the worst outcomes and it places children at greater risk (Root & Jenkins, 2005; Serbin et al., 2000; Serbin et al., 2004). Mothers who were both highly aggressive and socially withdrawn towards their peers may have experienced negative social interactions and peer rejection more frequently than mothers who were either aggressive or withdrawn. As such, their capacity to learn competent problem‐solving skills may have been impaired more so than mothers who were either aggressive or socially withdrawn in childhood. The findings from the present study appear to support this possibility.</p> <p>Despite demonstrating effective solution generating skills, evidence for 'direct' transmission may have also been found for children of mothers with childhood histories of social withdrawal. As anticipated, these children generated more autonomous solutions, demonstrating a desire to resolve their social conflicts in a solitary fashion. Continuity in social withdrawal into adulthood has been previously demonstrated in the Concordia Project. For example, mothers who were withdrawn in childhood have manifested more ignoring as well as less responsive and supporting behaviours toward their children when interacting with them (Serbin et al., 2002). It is possible, therefore, that through this disengaged maternal style mothers encouraged their children to expect little maternal assistance when resolving mother–child interpersonal conflicts.</p> <p>A disengaged or less active problem‐solving style was found in dyads with socially withdrawn mothers during decision making, and a similar tendency was also found in dyads with aggressive and withdrawn mothers, providing more evidence for continuity. Although they were more likely to end the task without resolving their conflict, socially withdrawn mothers, as well as both aggressive and withdrawn mothers and their children, more often failed to specify which solution to implement. That is, these dyads were vague and only demonstrated a 'sense' of resolution rather than solving their conflict by applying concrete strategies. These findings suggest that maternal childhood withdrawal, and to a lesser extent maternal childhood aggression and withdrawal, predict less structure and guidance during decision making, making it less likely for effective resolution to actually occur.</p> <p>Although several key findings were revealed, certain limitations should be considered. Firstly, the context used in the present study to examine mother–child social problem‐solving abilities, whereas more valid and less biased than self‐report data, nonetheless cannot be equated to <emph>in vivo</emph> mother–child conflict problem solving. In particular, dyads were asked to discuss their conflicts while being videotaped and, most likely, in a somewhat relaxed manner. Consequently, dyads may have understated their problem or responded more positively and with more depth than in real‐life situations. Secondly, with the exception of certain decision‐making strategies (e.g., collaboration), mother–child problem‐solving strategies were analysed separately. Therefore, the results could not address causality, making it challenging to infer with certainty that children's type and sophistication of their solutions were directly related to their mothers' strategies. Similarly, our results pertained solely to mother–child problem‐solving interactions, rendering it difficult to confirm whether children are applying skills learned from their mothers in other contexts such as with peers. However, as there are no studies to our knowledge that have examined mother–child problem solving in a sample similar to the Concordia Project, we believe our study takes an important first step.</p> <p>In conclusion, the present investigation provided unique contributions to the social problem‐solving literature and high‐risk populations. In particular, distinct problem solving patterns as a function of histories of maternal childhood risk were highlighted; in dyads with withdrawn mothers, poor problem‐solving abilities were displayed in one of the three stages investigated, whereas difficulties were found in two of the three stages in dyads with aggressive and withdrawn mothers. Thus, it appears that successful conflict resolution is less likely among children of aggressive and withdrawn mothers, and these children may be particularly at risk for later behavioural difficulties.</p> <p>Taken together, findings indicate that maternal childhood histories of social withdrawal as well as both aggression and withdrawal are inextricably linked to social problem solving. In particular, they lend support to the continuity of risk whereby mothers with histories of social withdrawal, as well as both aggression and social withdrawal, display less sophisticated problem‐solving strategies.</p> <hd id="AN0070469991-12">Acknowledgments</hd> <p>The authors would like to thank Claude Senneville, Dr Nadine Girouard, Amélie Jean, Laila Din, and Mina Popliger for their involvement in data collection, Amanda Guay for her help with reliability and Sabrina Chiarella, Gessica DiStefano, Laura Fontil, Tara Millman, and Gila Foomani for their assistance with data entry. We extend our gratitude to all the mothers and their children from the Concordia Longitudinal Risk Project who participated in this research. Finally, the authors gratefully acknowledge financial support from: Fonds pour la formation de chercheurs et l'aide à la recherche (FCAR), Fonds québécois de la recherche sur la société et la culture (FQRSC), Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC), Centre for Research in Human Development, and Concordia University for grant support awarded to Dr Dale M. Stack, Dr Lisa A. Serbin, and Dr Alex E. Schwartzman, as well as, FQRSC, SSHRC, and Concordia University for graduate fellowships awarded to Julie Martin.</p> <ref id="AN0070469991-13"> <title> References </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref1" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> Bloomquist, M. L., August, G. J., & Brombach, A. M. (1996). Maternal facilitation of children's problem solving: Relation to disruptive child behavior and maternal characteristics. Journal of Clinical Child Psychology, 25, 308 – 316.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib2" idref="ref2" type="bt">2</bibl> <bibtext> Cairns, R. 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  Data: Social Problem Solving in High-Risk Mother-Child Dyads: An Intergenerational Study
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Martin%2C+Julie+P%2E%22">Martin, Julie P.</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Stack%2C+Dale+M%2E%22">Stack, Dale M.</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="AR" term="%22Serbin%2C+Lisa+A%2E%22">Serbin, Lisa A.</searchLink>
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22Social+Development%22"><i>Social Development</i></searchLink>. Feb 2012 21(1):47-67.
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  Data: Wiley-Blackwell. 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148. Tel: 800-835-6770; Tel: 781-388-8598; Fax: 781-388-8232; e-mail: cs-journals@wiley.com; Web site: http://www.wiley.com/WileyCDA/
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  Data: Journal Articles<br />Reports - Research
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Interpersonal+Competence%22">Interpersonal Competence</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Mothers%22">Mothers</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Children%22">Children</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Problem+Solving%22">Problem Solving</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Withdrawal+%28Psychology%29%22">Withdrawal (Psychology)</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22At+Risk+Persons%22">At Risk Persons</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Parent+Child+Relationship%22">Parent Child Relationship</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Aggression%22">Aggression</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Parent+Background%22">Parent Background</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Measures+%28Individuals%29%22">Measures (Individuals)</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Peer+Evaluation%22">Peer Evaluation</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Conflict%22">Conflict</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Conflict+Resolution%22">Conflict Resolution</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Antisocial+Behavior%22">Antisocial Behavior</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Prediction%22">Prediction</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Decision+Making%22">Decision Making</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Child+Rearing%22">Child Rearing</searchLink>
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  Data: 10.1111/j.1467-9507.2011.00600.x
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  Data: This study examined the contribution of maternal childhood histories of aggression and social withdrawal to the prediction of mother-child social problem solving in the next generation. Fifty-seven women (M = 37.32 years), previously rated (on a version of the pupil evaluation inventory) by their peers during childhood on measures of aggression and withdrawal, discussed conflicts with their 9- to 13-year-old children. Problem-defining statements, solutions, and resolution strategies were coded using an observational measure developed by the authors. Maternal childhood histories of aggression and withdrawal predicted poorly sophisticated solutions in both mothers and children as well as antisocial solutions in children. Histories of withdrawal predicted solitary solutions in children as well as less guidance and structure during decision making. Findings suggest that mothers who were withdrawn, and those aggressive and withdrawn in childhood, display less sophisticated problem solving, which may be mirrored in children. Results have implications for the development of aggressive and withdrawn girls into parenthood and highlight a potential pathway for the transfer of risk. (Contains 6 tables.)
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        Value: 10.1111/j.1467-9507.2011.00600.x
    Languages:
      – Text: English
    PhysicalDescription:
      Pagination:
        PageCount: 21
        StartPage: 47
    Subjects:
      – SubjectFull: Interpersonal Competence
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Mothers
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Children
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Problem Solving
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Withdrawal (Psychology)
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: At Risk Persons
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Parent Child Relationship
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Aggression
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Parent Background
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Measures (Individuals)
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Peer Evaluation
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Conflict
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Conflict Resolution
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Antisocial Behavior
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Prediction
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Decision Making
        Type: general
      – SubjectFull: Child Rearing
        Type: general
    Titles:
      – TitleFull: Social Problem Solving in High-Risk Mother-Child Dyads: An Intergenerational Study
        Type: main
  BibRelationships:
    HasContributorRelationships:
      – PersonEntity:
          Name:
            NameFull: Martin, Julie P.
      – PersonEntity:
          Name:
            NameFull: Stack, Dale M.
      – PersonEntity:
          Name:
            NameFull: Serbin, Lisa A.
    IsPartOfRelationships:
      – BibEntity:
          Dates:
            – D: 01
              M: 02
              Type: published
              Y: 2012
          Identifiers:
            – Type: issn-print
              Value: 0961-205X
          Numbering:
            – Type: volume
              Value: 21
            – Type: issue
              Value: 1
          Titles:
            – TitleFull: Social Development
              Type: main
ResultId 1