Homo cooperans: Understanding the nature of human cooperation.
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| Title: | Homo cooperans: Understanding the nature of human cooperation. |
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| Authors: | Andre, Peter (AUTHOR), Boneva, Teodora (AUTHOR), Chopra, Felix (AUTHOR), Falk, Armin (AUTHOR) |
| Source: | Science. 6/4/2026, Vol. 392 Issue 6802, p1-9. 9p. |
| Subjects: | Cooperation, Cooperativeness, Cross-cultural differences, Social norms, Disclosure, Collective action, Global studies |
| Abstract: | Human cooperation is fundamental to solving collective challenges, yet its individual drivers remain insufficiently understood. Using globally representative data from an incentivized two-player cooperation experiment conducted in 125 countries (N = 101,123 individuals), we assess the extent of human cooperation and study its individual determinants. Across the globe, about two-thirds of people choose to cooperate. The decision to cooperate is significantly shaped by cooperation beliefs, injunctive norms, and preferences. Effect sizes of these determinants vary across countries, a variation that is systematically associated with historical and cultural markers. Globally, people underestimate others' willingness to cooperate—humans are more cooperative than they believe. A simple information treatment reduces misperceptions and causally increases cooperation. Editor's summary: Past research has found that people depend on cooperation for society to function smoothly, but key questions remained unanswered. How prevalent is cooperation, and is it shaped by culture, individual traits, or assumptions about strangers' willingness to also cooperate? Andre et al. used large-scale, globally representative data to answer these questions in experiments that randomly paired two strangers within the same country. The participants earned money for a climate change charity and could either cooperate or defect; the highest charity payout was offered when both mutually cooperated. Globally, over two-thirds of people were cooperative but pessimistically underestimated strangers' willingness to cooperate. Cooperation varied across cultures and was more likely when people were altruistic, patient, risk-tolerant, and believed that others would also cooperate. —Ekeoma Uzogara INTRODUCTION: Human well-being depends on the provision of common goods, which renders the capacity to cooperate with strangers essential. Despite a large body of empirical evidence, important questions about the nature of human cooperation remain. How prevalent is human cooperation around the globe? What are the key individual-level determinants—such as beliefs, norms, and preferences—that shape cooperative behavior? Are these determinants universal or culturally specific? And can the provision of information change individuals' beliefs about the cooperativeness of others and promote greater cooperation? RATIONALE: A major obstacle to answering these questions has been the limited availability of representative data on cooperation at the global scale. We present an investigation of impersonal cooperation and its individual-level determinants using a standardized and incentivized choice experiment conducted in a globally representative sample. Each participant is paired with a stranger from their country and decides whether to cooperate or defect: Defection yields a payoff of $100, whereas cooperation yields $70, and if both cooperate, a donation of $400 is made to fight global warming. We also leverage a randomized information treatment embedded in the global survey to study whether cooperation can be shifted. Our study covers 101,123 individuals from 125 representative country samples, representing 92% of the world's adult population. RESULTS: We present four main findings. First, at the global level, cooperation is widespread: Around the world, 69% of respondents choose to cooperate. Second, we suggest a behavioral framework consisting of beliefs, norms, and preferences and show that these determinants, together with sociodemographics, systematically predict individual decisions to cooperate. Across the globe, cooperation is strongly associated with beliefs about others' cooperation, approval of social norms, and preferences for the common good; altruism, patience, and risk attitudes also positively predict cooperative behavior. Third, we show that the behavioral determinants of cooperation are culturally specific. As an illustration, beliefs about others' cooperation consistently predict cooperative behavior across the globe, but the magnitude of this effect varies substantially across countries. In further analyses, we show that the extent to which the behavioral determinants shape cooperation is deeply rooted in cultural and historical differences. Fourth, cooperation is systematically underestimated but can be shifted. On average, people believe only 47% would cooperate, compared with the actual global rate of 69%. This pessimistic misperception—present in 124 of 125 countries—can dampen cooperation, especially among conditionally cooperative individuals. We show that a simple information treatment can reduce this pessimistic bias and increase cooperation rates. CONCLUSION: Taken together, our findings establish that cooperation is widespread. We highlight important individual determinants of cooperation and show that effect sizes are culturally specific. Thus, although the basic foundations of Homo cooperans are universal, the way that cooperation manifests itself is shaped by cultural context. We also demonstrate that correcting systematic misperceptions can unlock new pathways for global collective action. Because beliefs about the cooperativeness of others play a central role, our results send an encouraging message: We are a more cooperative species than we think. Global study shows most humans cooperate—and underestimate others' cooperation.: (A) Participants from 125 representative country samples make a cooperation decision. (B) Sixty-nine percent cooperate, and we are a more cooperative species than we think. ***P < 0.01. (C) Cooperation is predicted by cooperation beliefs, norms, and preferences. pp, percentage points. (D) Cooperation beliefs positively predict cooperation in most countries, but effect sizes vary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] |
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| Database: | Psychology and Behavioral Sciences Collection |
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| Abstract: | Human cooperation is fundamental to solving collective challenges, yet its individual drivers remain insufficiently understood. Using globally representative data from an incentivized two-player cooperation experiment conducted in 125 countries (N = 101,123 individuals), we assess the extent of human cooperation and study its individual determinants. Across the globe, about two-thirds of people choose to cooperate. The decision to cooperate is significantly shaped by cooperation beliefs, injunctive norms, and preferences. Effect sizes of these determinants vary across countries, a variation that is systematically associated with historical and cultural markers. Globally, people underestimate others' willingness to cooperate—humans are more cooperative than they believe. A simple information treatment reduces misperceptions and causally increases cooperation. Editor's summary: Past research has found that people depend on cooperation for society to function smoothly, but key questions remained unanswered. How prevalent is cooperation, and is it shaped by culture, individual traits, or assumptions about strangers' willingness to also cooperate? Andre et al. used large-scale, globally representative data to answer these questions in experiments that randomly paired two strangers within the same country. The participants earned money for a climate change charity and could either cooperate or defect; the highest charity payout was offered when both mutually cooperated. Globally, over two-thirds of people were cooperative but pessimistically underestimated strangers' willingness to cooperate. Cooperation varied across cultures and was more likely when people were altruistic, patient, risk-tolerant, and believed that others would also cooperate. —Ekeoma Uzogara INTRODUCTION: Human well-being depends on the provision of common goods, which renders the capacity to cooperate with strangers essential. Despite a large body of empirical evidence, important questions about the nature of human cooperation remain. How prevalent is human cooperation around the globe? What are the key individual-level determinants—such as beliefs, norms, and preferences—that shape cooperative behavior? Are these determinants universal or culturally specific? And can the provision of information change individuals' beliefs about the cooperativeness of others and promote greater cooperation? RATIONALE: A major obstacle to answering these questions has been the limited availability of representative data on cooperation at the global scale. We present an investigation of impersonal cooperation and its individual-level determinants using a standardized and incentivized choice experiment conducted in a globally representative sample. Each participant is paired with a stranger from their country and decides whether to cooperate or defect: Defection yields a payoff of $100, whereas cooperation yields $70, and if both cooperate, a donation of $400 is made to fight global warming. We also leverage a randomized information treatment embedded in the global survey to study whether cooperation can be shifted. Our study covers 101,123 individuals from 125 representative country samples, representing 92% of the world's adult population. RESULTS: We present four main findings. First, at the global level, cooperation is widespread: Around the world, 69% of respondents choose to cooperate. Second, we suggest a behavioral framework consisting of beliefs, norms, and preferences and show that these determinants, together with sociodemographics, systematically predict individual decisions to cooperate. Across the globe, cooperation is strongly associated with beliefs about others' cooperation, approval of social norms, and preferences for the common good; altruism, patience, and risk attitudes also positively predict cooperative behavior. Third, we show that the behavioral determinants of cooperation are culturally specific. As an illustration, beliefs about others' cooperation consistently predict cooperative behavior across the globe, but the magnitude of this effect varies substantially across countries. In further analyses, we show that the extent to which the behavioral determinants shape cooperation is deeply rooted in cultural and historical differences. Fourth, cooperation is systematically underestimated but can be shifted. On average, people believe only 47% would cooperate, compared with the actual global rate of 69%. This pessimistic misperception—present in 124 of 125 countries—can dampen cooperation, especially among conditionally cooperative individuals. We show that a simple information treatment can reduce this pessimistic bias and increase cooperation rates. CONCLUSION: Taken together, our findings establish that cooperation is widespread. We highlight important individual determinants of cooperation and show that effect sizes are culturally specific. Thus, although the basic foundations of Homo cooperans are universal, the way that cooperation manifests itself is shaped by cultural context. We also demonstrate that correcting systematic misperceptions can unlock new pathways for global collective action. Because beliefs about the cooperativeness of others play a central role, our results send an encouraging message: We are a more cooperative species than we think. Global study shows most humans cooperate—and underestimate others' cooperation.: (A) Participants from 125 representative country samples make a cooperation decision. (B) Sixty-nine percent cooperate, and we are a more cooperative species than we think. ***P < 0.01. (C) Cooperation is predicted by cooperation beliefs, norms, and preferences. pp, percentage points. (D) Cooperation beliefs positively predict cooperation in most countries, but effect sizes vary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] |
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| ISSN: | 00368075 |
| DOI: | 10.1126/science.aec9483 |
